{"id":1024,"date":"2025-06-10T21:28:29","date_gmt":"2025-06-10T21:28:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/?p=1024"},"modified":"2025-06-20T11:00:25","modified_gmt":"2025-06-20T11:00:25","slug":"whispering-giant-russias-quiet-power-leaves-the-west-in-the-dust","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/2025\/06\/10\/whispering-giant-russias-quiet-power-leaves-the-west-in-the-dust\/","title":{"rendered":"Whispering giant: Russia\u2019s quiet power leaves the West in the dust"},"content":{"rendered":"

Global responsibility and Moscow\u2019s foreign policy: Between autonomy and a changing world<\/strong><\/p>\n

One of the central paradoxes of Russia\u2019s foreign policy is this: while its primary goal has always been to secure full autonomy in its decision-making, success has often hinged on the international environment in which it pursues that aim. Even today, as Russia enjoys a degree of internal stability unmatched in the past 25 years, global shifts are helping shape the country\u2019s ability to resist what can only be described as the increasingly destructive efforts of the collective West.<\/p>\n

Chief among these global changes is the unmistakable decline of Western Europe\u2019s centrality in world affairs. Though the region still remains geographically and symbolically important \u2013 given its proximity to Russia and its alignment with the United States \u2013 it has lost the capacity to act as an independent player in global politics. Simply put, Western Europe no longer matters as much. It is no longer the center of decision-making or initiative, but a stage on which others perform.<\/p>\n

The true centers of gravity today are countries like China and India. Their behavior no longer forms the \u201cbackground noise\u201d<\/em> of international affairs \u2013 it drives global developments. For Russia, this transformation is both a strategic opportunity and a conceptual challenge.<\/p>\n

On the one hand, it liberates Moscow from the old and often fruitless task of seeking allies within the West to safeguard its interests, particularly along its most dangerous frontiers. On the other hand, it compels Russia to reconsider the nature of its role in the world. What does global responsibility look like for a nation whose foreign policy has never been driven by messianic ideals or the desire to impose its values on others?<\/p>\n

A civilization apart<\/h2>\n

Historically, Russia\u2019s strategic posture has not been animated by ideological expansionism. Unlike the Western European colonial empires, Russia never pursued dominance over distant territories to extract resources or spread its worldview. Even during the height of its imperial strength, such as in the 19th-century annexation of Central Asia, the Russian Empire did not develop a colonial policy comparable to that of Britain or France. The reason lies not in a lack of capacity, but in a fundamentally different orientation: Russia has always been more concerned with preserving its internal sovereignty and strategic autonomy than with exporting its model.<\/p>\n

\n Read more<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\n \"RT\"
Mission: Regrettable \u2013 Ukraine\u2019s drone strike blows up in its face<\/a><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Even the oft-cited concept of \u201cMoscow as the Third Rome\u201d<\/em> is misunderstood in the West. It was never a call to global proselytizing. Unlike the United States, which often ties its foreign policy to ideological missions, Russia\u2019s approach is deeply pragmatic and rooted in the idea of national self-preservation.<\/p>\n

The Soviet period, of course, was an exception. The revolutionary zeal of 1917 gave Moscow a temporary ideological edge, and during the Cold War, the USSR promoted its values as part of a broader geopolitical confrontation. But even then, ideological outreach was quickly subordinated to the central strategic aim: maintaining national stability in opposition to American-led containment.<\/p>\n

Divide and endure<\/h2>\n

Another consistent feature of Russia\u2019s foreign policy has been the tactical use of divisions within the West. Whether confronting Sweden, Napoleonic France, or Nazi Germany, Russia always benefited from securing at least one Western partner. In the Crimean War of the 1850s and again during the Cold War, Russia suffered political setbacks in part because the Western front was unusually united.<\/p>\n

After the Cold War ended unfavorably for Moscow, Russian strategy relied on the hope that the EU would eventually drift from Washington\u2019s orbit and reclaim some degree of autonomy. That, clearly, has not happened. Internal crises, the erosion of elite leadership, and the rise of bureaucratic inertia have left Western Europe politically paralyzed. When the Ukraine crisis escalated into a military confrontation, the region\u2019s powers not only failed to act independently \u2013 they leaned even harder on the United States.<\/p>\n

This failure of EU emancipation has not strengthened Washington, however. On the contrary, Western Europe\u2019s strategic irrelevance only underscores the West\u2019s shrinking role in global affairs. That chapter of world history \u2013 where Europe stood at the helm \u2013 is now closed.<\/p>\n

\n Read more<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\n \"Russian
Secure the perimeter? Russia\u2019s strategy beyond the Ukraine front<\/a><\/figcaption><\/figure>\n<\/blockquote>\n

A global stage, a national strategy<\/h2>\n

Today, Russia faces a world where resistance to Western pressure no longer requires fractures within the Western alliance. What matters now is the emergence of a truly global system \u2013 one in which power is no longer concentrated in Euro-Atlantic hands. In this environment, Russia\u2019s ability to assert its interests has improved not because the West is weaker per se, but because the world is more balanced.<\/p>\n

The failure of the previous US administration to \u201cisolate\u201d<\/em> Russia is significant not only as a diplomatic defeat for Washington, but as evidence of this wider trend. The global South has not turned against Russia. On the contrary, many emerging powers are increasingly assertive in defining their own paths, free of Western tutelage. This structural shift works to Russia\u2019s advantage.<\/p>\n

And yet, this new reality also imposes obligations. In a world that is waiting for Russia\u2019s presence, Russia must now ask: what kind of global actor does it wish to be?<\/p>\n

This is not a question of abandoning its historical pragmatism or inward-facing strategic culture. Rather, it is about integrating that realism with the unavoidable demands of global responsibility. Unlike the missionary democracies of the West, Russia does not seek to reshape the world in its own image. But as one of the few nations capable of independent action on the global stage, it must now participate in shaping that world, not simply reacting to it.<\/p>\n

This is the conceptual challenge of the coming years. How can Russia remain true to its tradition of self-defined interest while also engaging with a multipolar world that increasingly demands initiative, leadership, and presence?<\/p>\n

The answer will not be found in grand ideological blueprints or universalist visions. It will lie, as it always has for Russia, in a careful balancing of national sovereignty with the strategic realities of a changing global order.<\/p>\n<\/p>\n

This article\u00a0was first published by Valdai Discussion Club<\/a>, translated\u00a0and edited by the RT team.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Global responsibility and Moscow\u2019s foreign policy: Between autonomy and a changing world One of the central paradoxes of Russia\u2019s foreign […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":928,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1024","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-russia"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1024","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1024"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1024\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1028,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1024\/revisions\/1028"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/928"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1024"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1024"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/marinemalawi.com\/index.php\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1024"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}